Non-normative sonic space: exploring the divergent capacities of soundscape design in the built environment Dr William Renel 1 Royal College of Art 4 Hester Rd, London SW11 4AN

ABSTRACT This paper aims to situate disabled and neurodivergent people’s experiences at the heart of research concerning human perception and response to soundscape design in the built environment. The paper outlines the process and insights gained through a series of participatory binaural soundwalking workshops held in London between 2016 – 2019. Each workshop invited a disabled and/or neurodivergent person to discuss their experiences of, and responses to, soundscape and acoustic design whilst walking through a public environment such as a gallery, café or theatre. The paper uses a multimodal framework for discourse analysis to analyse the soundwalk data, highlighting the divergent and non- normative affective potential of sound in socially public spaces. Findings consider elements such as how changes in acoustic environments trigger involuntary words and noises for people with Tourettes and how a lack of information about the noise levels of public environments might increase anxiety for neurodivergent people. By generating new knowledge and understanding of the divergent capacities of soundscape design to affect and be affected by people within the built environment, the paper aims to increase the opportunity for researchers across disciplines to think critically about the societal repercussions of design that privileges a normative ear, body and mind.

1. INTRODUCTION – AN AFFECTIVE SONIC ECOLOGY

According to Hardt affect theory is often applied to better understand the meaning of experiences, framed by causality and interaction and highlighting the power of humans to affect and be affected by the world around us. [1] The ‘affective turn’ in the humanities and social sciences [2] promotes new ways of thinking about the changing relationships between bodies, minds and environments by building on feminist and queer theory. [3] Historically the field of acoustic ecology has situated theories of affect within the auditory realm through a communications model, describing acoustic ecology as ‘the study of the effects of the acoustic environment, or soundscape, on the physical responses or behavioural characteristics of those living within it’. [4] Explorations of affect theory within the domain of sound studies have continued to grow and expand [5] with a recent focus on new materialist perspectives. [6] This work considers the affective power of sound (its capacity to affect and be affected) within public spaces and ‘the capacity of the urban soundscape to shape the physical and emotional expressions of the collective social body’. [7] Lavia et al comment:

‘Soundscapes affect us, emotionally, physically, and psychologically, and each of us has our own experience of the sounds of the city, moulded by our cultural

1 william.renel@network.rca.ac.uk

Sia inter noice 21-24 AUGUST SCOTTISH EVENT CAMPUS GLASGOW

backgrounds, age, social relationships, and values. They help us to feel welcome or alienated in the places we live’. [8]

Disability Studies has drawn on theories of affect to theorise how feelings are produced, hidden and amplified in contemporary social contexts focusing on areas such as emotional labour, [9] shame, [10] and non-verbal communication. [11] The lens of critical disability studies enables affect and emotion to be theorised as corporeal thoughts and embodied processes that influence and are influenced by social values, bonds, behaviours and rules. [12] In considering the sonic environment as affective in this way, the urban soundscape becomes a vital component in the design of any environment that wishes to be inclusive of a diversity of bodies and minds.

1.1 Binaural Soundwalking Workshop

The following section outlines the process and insights gained through a series of participatory binaural soundwalking workshops. Binaural soundwalking combines binaural audio recording with soundwalking to create a novel method of data collection. This approach aims to situate disabled and neurodivergent people’s experiences at the heart of research concerning human perception and response to soundscape design in the built environment. Binaural recording is an approach to two-channel stereo recording where two microphones are positioned within a participant’s ears (listening subject recording) or those of an artificial head (dummy head recording). As Zhang et al note:

‘Humans have only two ears to perceive sound in a 3D space. Hence, it is intuitive to use two locally separated microphones to record audio as it is heard; and when played back through headphones or a stereo dipole, a 3D sound sensation is created for the listener. This is known as binaural recording’. [13]

Binaural recording is adopted as a creative application of recording technology that simultaneously attends to the individual and shared components of a soundscape. Soundwalking is understood as a method of attentive listening to the sounds within an environment. [14] The method was pioneered within the field of acoustic ecology, notably by Hildegard Westerkamp who defines soundwalking as ‘any excursion whose main purpose is listening to the environment’. [15] A soundwalk can be undertaken alone or in a group and can investigate one or more sonic environments. Westerkamp suggests that the intention is always to rediscover and reactivate our sense of hearing within a specific context. Soundwalking is well established within the field of sound studies, to the extent that it is described as one of the ‘safe’ sound studies methods [16] and a key methodological tool within soundscape composition. [17] Soundwalking is emerging as a tool within architecture and urban design processes [18] and there is a growing interest in the application of soundscape research within the design of the built environment. [19] Between 2016 – 2019, with funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council, the author arranged a series of participatory binaural soundwalks. Each soundwalk invited a disabled and/or neurodivergent person to discuss their experiences of, and responses to, soundscape and acoustic design whilst walking with the author through a public environment such as a gallery, café or theatre. The workshops were undertaken at three locations in South London: Battersea Arts Centre, The South London Gallery, and The Albany Theatre. In total, 8 participants contributed to the study and were paid for their time. Each of the participants self-identified as having lived experiences of sound and social inclusion or exclusion. Participants were asked to describe their gender, their age (in decades) and their impairments. Direct quotes

from the participants are used throughout this paper, all the participants have been anonymised. The wording of the demographic summaries below was written by the participants and agreed with the author prior to writing this paper.

- Participant 1 – female, 30’s, hearing loss and neurodivergent - Participant 2 – male, 30’s, visually impaired - Participant 3 – female, 30’s, bipolar, ADHD and Tourettes - Participant 4 – female, 40’s, neurodivergent - Participant 5 – male, 20’s, neurodivergent (including Tourettes) - Participant 6 – male, 20’s, autistic - Participant 7 – male, 50’s, hyperacusis - Participant 8 – female, 40’s, post-traumatic stress disorder Figure 1 summarises the demographic information of the 8 participants.

Figure 1: Soundwalking Workshop - Participant Demographic Summary

To guide their navigation, each participant was shown a location map of where the workshop was taking place (see figure 2). Participants were encouraged to move freely between any of the public and private rooms highlighted on the map. An hour long, one to one recorded conversation with each participant. Data recorded captured the participants lived experiences of sound and social in/exclusion and their responses to the soundscape and acoustic design of each building. The recordings were subsequently transcribed and transcripts included information about where in the building each section of the conversation occurred.

208 (8%) Impairment Gender

Figure 2: Example of Soundwalking Workshop Map – Battersea Arts Centre 2. ANALYSIS The following sections analyse the data gathered during the 8 binaural soundwalking workshops, illustrating the role that sound plays in supporting or disrupting the accessibility and inclusivity of the 3 workshop environments.

2.1 Involuntary Language and Acoustics

This section analyses data from research participants 3 and 5 to consider how changes in an acoustic environment might trigger involuntary noises and words for people with Tourettes. Both participants have Tourettes and therefore make involuntary movements and noises called tics. Participant 3 noted that their tics have an ‘eternal conversation’ with the acoustics of an environment. During the workshops both participants 3 and 5 acknowledged that they are likely to tic more when they are in an environment with a high ambient noise threshold and/or long reverberation time. During the binaural soundwalking workshops participant 3 used 3,617 spoken words of which sixty-three (1.7%) were tics. Participant 5 used 4,416 spoken words of which 98 (2.2%) were tics (see figure 3).

Figure 3: Summary of Voluntary and Involuntary Language

Of the 63 involuntarily spoken words from participant 3, 16 (25%) occurred when the acoustic environment changed. Of the 98 involuntarily spoken words from participant 5, 37 (38%) occurred when the acoustic environment changed. Changes included moving into a quiet corridor with a low-ambient noise threshold, moving into a stairwell with a long reverberation time and moving into the foyer with a high ambient noise threshold including background music. Of the total 161 involuntary words spoken by the 2 participants, 53 (33%) were triggered by a change in the acoustic environment (see figure 4). This shows that changes in the acoustic environment have a significant impact on the participants as they move through the building.

Participant 3 voluntary voluntary anguage language 97.8%) (98.3 Participant 5

Figure 4: Charting Involuntary Language in Relation to Changes in Acoustic Environment

During 2 Soundwalking Workshops

161 53 (33%) (total involuntary involuntary words triggered words) by a change in the acoustic environment

Both participants commented on the relationship between their tics and the acoustics of an environment. Of the total 63 involuntarily spoken words from participant 5, twenty (30%) occurred within a specific corridor space. This space has a high ambient noise threshold and long reverberation time due to numerous hard surfaces, a tiled floor and open-plan layout near the café area. Participant 5 was particularly distracted within this environment and eventually asked to move, commenting:

‘Um, can we move? Ho, cause, I am just, I am finding that the sound, ho, in here is making me tic and I can’t concentrate on where we are or what we are saying.’

This passage of increased involuntary spoken words highlights the ability for acoustics to affect the language of participant 5, changing their involuntary language from an action with little or no impact on the conversation to one that disrupts the conversation, causing discomfort for participant 5 and leading to the conversation being moved to a quieter location. This analysis shows that acoustic design not only has implications for what is audible but can also trigger involuntary language and prohibit neurodivergent people’s ability to navigate and communicate.

2.2 Sonic Information

This section analyses data from research participants 4, 6 and 8 to consider how a lack of information about the noise levels of public environments might increase anxiety and cause exclusion for neurodivergent people. In total the 3 participants used 491 sentences during the workshops. Of these 147 (30%) related to negative experiences of sound in public spaces (see figure 5).

Figure 5: Sentence Count, Participants 4, 6 and 8

Participant 4 491 (total sentences) e@ 147 (30%) sentances related to negative experiences with sound Participant 6 Participant 8

Of these 147 sentences, 93 (63%) were sentences relating to exclusion that the participants had experienced because of a lack of sonic information being available from public environments (see figure 6). Participant 4 commented:

‘Sound is one of the biggest barriers for me and my family, I’m neurodivergent and my son is autistic - we both get stressed when an environment goes from being quiet to being loud and a lot of the time we don’t go to new places because we don’t know what they will sound like. If a venue had information about the different sounds of their spaces on their website or on a flyer that would be a real plus for us, but I don’t think I have ever seen that’.

Figure 6: Analysis of Sentences from Research Participants Relating to Sonic Exclusion

Participant 6 discussed the need for more information about the different acoustic spaces within a building:

‘For me the issue isn’t whether a place is loud or quiet, I like both at different times, the problem is not knowing where different spaces are so if I’m in a loud environment like a café and I get overstimulated then what I need is a map or a way of knowing where the nearest quiet space is so I can recharge. Clear information about the different sounds of a building is the thing that changes it from being inclusive to exclusive’.

Aimi Hamraie suggests that buildings often become non-accessible to disabled and neurodivergent people through a lack of understanding of sensory elements such as lights, sound or confusing layouts. [20] The author led on an inclusive design research project at the Helen Hamlyn Centre for Design to create a new form of accessibility provision called a ‘sonic story’ (see figure 7). A sonic story is a visual representation of an environment, exhibition or event which highlights the key elements of auditory significance such as loudest and quietest spaces or areas in which the sound might change dramatically. [21] The analysis of the data from participants 4, 6 and 8 highlights that designing sonically inclusive environments is not only about ensuring that public spaces offer a diversity of sonic spaces but also about communicating these spaces in clear and accessible ways.

147 (total sentences related to negative experiences of sound) 93 (63%) sentences relating to a lack of understanding of the sonic components of a space

Figure 7: Sonic Story for Hamlet, Shakespeare’s Globe 2018 designed by the author

2.3 Wayfinding and Communication

This section compares data from research participants 1 and 2 and considers the similarities and differences between the two participants responses to, and perceptions of, the acoustic environments. Participant 1 is neurodivergent and has hearing loss. Participant 2 is visually impaired. Both participants engaged in a binaural soundwalking workshop at Battersea Arts Centre and it was noticeable that both participants made regular comments (positive and negative) about their responses to the different acoustic environments they experienced. In total participant 1 made 15 comments of which 6 were positive and 9 were negative. In total participant 2 made 20 comments of which 11 were positive and 9 were negative (see figure 8).

HAMLET Sonic Story EVENING 1820 ‘aM OquOTTORE / Presnteay

Figure 8: Charting Participant Comments Relating to Sonic Inclusion and Exclusion

Participant 1 commented on the relationship between sound and communication from their perspective as someone with hearing loss:

‘For people like me with hearing loss how the sound is designed in a space is key for communicating. Like where we are now [the café] there is so much reverb it’s almost impossible for me to tell what you’re saying. If this space was divided up into smaller discreet areas the space would work much better for me . . . [walking into next room] the way the sound is working in this space is fantastic there’s very little reflection from your voice, it feels warm and I can understand what you’re saying without lipreading’.

Participant 2 discussed the way that objects which create or reflect sound can be used to aid navigation for people with sight loss:

‘I can hear the ping of the lift in the distance on my left and the rattle of the coffee machine in the cafe close to me on my right. The acoustic in this room is bright and I can tell I’m in a large space so things are working well for me in here at the moment. Often the combination of acoustics and objects that make sound aren’t designed in harmony and that’s when people who are visually impaired can get into a bit of trouble and struggle to know where we are. When there is no harmony from sound it is difficult to feel included in how a space feels’.

Many accounts from visually impaired people provide descriptions of navigating, orientating and wayfinding in public places using sound and sonic phenomena. [22] In addition, there is an abundance of interfaces and systems designed to aid non-ocular navigation. [23] What is clear when comparing the positive and negative comments about sound from participants 1 and 2 is that the way in which sound is designed has significant implications for people with a range of impairments. Not only does the acoustic design of a space impact communication for people with hearing loss, but it also supports or hinders a visually impaired person’s ability to make sense of a space. Therefore, if the intention of the design and management of a sonic environment is to make it inclusive of a diversity of bodies and minds, then a holistic

on negative comments o positive comments ® 2 on ) ee negative comments o positive comments an

approach must be adopted, bringing together acoustics with the design and selection of sonic objects.

3. CONCLUSION

This paper has outlined the process and insights gained through a series of participatory binaural soundwalks held in London between 2016 – 2019. Findings from the analysis of the workshop data show that the acoustics of a building can trigger involuntary words and noises for people with Tourettes. Findings also show that many neurodivergent people are currently not accessing public environments such as theatres and cafés due to a lack of information available in advance about the auditory elements of such spaces. The analysis highlights that people with different impairments continue to have sonically inclusive and exclusive experiences because of sound, particularly in relation to navigation and communication. Collectively, the findings illustrate how the design and management of soundscapes within public environments impact upon the emotional and physical well-being of disabled and neurodivergent people. The examples above highlight the importance of involving disabled and neurodivergent people at the beginning of the design process. As Lavia et al suggest, human centred approaches to soundscape design and management create ‘a unique opportunity to enter a new phase of management of acoustics in the built environment, to move beyond the blunt instruments of noise control and abatement to the wondrous exploration, endless creativity, and inclusiveness offered by soundscape design and management - making it possible to have buildings, communities, towns, and cities that literally resonate with well-being and amenity’. [24]

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